By Sarwar A. Kashmeri
American overseas coverage towards Europe is merrily rolling alongside the trail of least resistance, within the trust that there's not anything quite amiss with the European-American courting that multilateralism won't repair. now not real, argues Kashmeri. The alliance is useless, can't be mounted, and has to be renegotiated. It has no longer grown to house Europe's emergence as an important strength. one of those usa of Europe, with overseas priorities varied from these of the U.S., has arrived at America's doorstep. yet the USA continues to be forging international coverage for Europe utilizing chilly warfare realities; either Democrats and Republicans anticipate the ecu Union to fall into step, and document for provider as neededвЂ”under American leadership.
Europe, in spite of the fact that, has different plans, and because it turns into extra robust at the global degree, competing visions of eu management have emerged. The Iraq conflict has introduced them into stark aid. for instance, as Kashmeri issues out, the Atlantic divide over Iraq used to be extra approximately French-British pageant for management of Europe than it was once a couple of department among American objectives and eu pursuits. He portrays British international coverage as out of contact with truth, as a coverage that has performed a disservice to the U.S. end result of the Blair government's exaggerated and self-serving view of the British-American unique dating. Kashmeri concludes with prescriptions for forging a brand new alliance in response to a unique dating with the ecu Union. This schedule is electrified through the suggestions of the leaders who spoke to the writer in particular for this publication, between them former president George H. W. Bush, former British best minister John significant, James A. Baker III, Wesley ok. Clark, Brent Scowcroft, Paul Volcker, U.S. Senator Chuck Hagel, and Caspar W. Weinberger.
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Extra resources for America and Europe after 9/11 and Iraq: The Great Divide
He takes a hands-on interest in foreign and security policy by meeting regularly with officials of other countries to buttress his own analysis, and he is supported by some of the best staff in the United States Senate. A respected Midwesterner from Nebraska, Hagel always says what he believes, and in all the years I have known him, he has never changed his mind just to be on the popular side of a political debate. “You mentioned some of the past rifts, I’ll mention a couple more,” Hagel told me.
The letter also made a dent in the French-German argument that European foreign policy was being consciously developed “by Europe” to serve as a counterweight to America’s hegemony. Palacio insisted the stakes for Europe in this rift were even greater than they at first appeared to be. While concurring with my American interlocutors that the rift is not ultimately about Iraq, and agreeing that the French-British competition for the leadership of Europe was an important contributor to the rift, she homed in on what to her was a much more important issue for Europeans: the future shape of the European Union and how its security will be maintained.
W. Bush, did not seem to think much of either. In addition to the weapons-of-mass-destruction argument, the administration forcefully trumpeted an alleged alliance between the Iraqi regime and al-Qaeda, a claim the administration made over the continued and forceful objections of the intelligence community. It too was later revealed to be untrue. Secretary Baker had been part of the administration that had secured unanimous UN approval to use force to dislodge Iraq from Kuwait in 1991. Although the Cold War was still going on, the Soviet Union voted for the resolution authorizing use of force, even though Iraq had been one of its most important client states.